Pre-War and Causes

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The Gleiwitz “False Flag” Incident is Pure Fiction
 

              http://carolynyeager.net/gleiwitz-%E2%80%9Cfalse-flag%E2%80%9D-incident-pure-fiction​

By Carolyn Yeager


  The following article is based on my notes for my radio program of March 19, 2012, and expanded to include further research and also clarification of a few details that became somewhat unclear largely because of the weather-related interruptions during the program. Once again, I hope readers will spread this article far and wide. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
                                         
                                               
 
 
 
                                               German Radio Station Gleiwitz in 1936.

Why the story was invented in the first place

Robert H. Jackson, a U.S. Supreme Court Justice from 1941 to 1954, was sent to Europe when the war was ending to make sure that Germany alone would be blamed for the Second World War. Jackson, as leader of the U.S. legal team, helped draft theLondon Charter of the International Military Tribunal, which created the legal basis for the Nuremberg Trials.

After studying some of the documents, Jackson knew well and emphasized that the German declaration of war on the United States was perfectly legal. Therefore, he pointed out, it had to be shown before the court that the war in Europe was, from the beginning, a German aggression contrary to international law (making it a Crime Against Peace). Thus, the invasion of Poland had to be shown to be an aggressive move with no justification, and no blame on Poland.Further study of the files brought Jackson to doubt that a fair trialwould support, in any way, the finding of Germany’s exclusive responsibility. On the contrary, he said:

“The Germans will certainly accuse our three European allies to have pursued a policy that has enforced the war. I say this because the seized documents from the German Foreign Office, which I have seen, all come to the same conclusion: “We have no escape, we must fight, we are surrounded, we are strangled.” How would a judge react if this is found in the trial? I think he would say: “Before I condemn anyone as the aggressor, he ought to describe his motives.”

And that would be catastrophic, Jackson continued, because

 “… if this trial leads to a discussion of the political and economic causes of the war, this may cause infinite damage, both in Europe I do not know well, and in America that I know fairly well.”

As a servant of the U.S. Government and U.S. war policy, Jackson came up with the only solution: to  ban any discussion on the causes of the war before the Nuremberg tribunal. In other words, not to have a fair trial. In the transcripts of the proceedings, nothing is found on the war policies of the West, Poland, or the USSR since almost all documents and testimonies that would have been relevant in this respect were rejected by the court as irrelevant.

But affidavits like the one signed by Alfred Naujocks, in which he claimed, without any corroboration, that he participated in a German undercover operation to attack the Gleiwitz radio station on the very night that Hitler ordered the invasion of Poland, and blame it on the Poles in order to “justify” Germany's “crime against peace”—this was admitted by the court with no questions or discussion. Naujocks did not appear in person, only his affidavit was put in evidence; there was no opportunity for cross-examination of the witness by the defense.

In such a way did the “evidence” accumulate to find Germany's National Socialist government guilty of “Crimes Against Peace.”

Some background on Robert Jackson and his politics

Jackson was appointed to federal office by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1934, serving initially as general counsel of the U.S. Treasury Department's Bureau of Internal Revenue (today's Internal Revenue Service), then as Assistant Attorney General heading the Tax Division of the Department of Justice. In 1937 he became Assistant Attorney General heading the Antitrust Division. In 1938, Jackson became United States Solicitor General, serving until January 1940 as the government's chief advocate before the Supreme Court.
 
 
 

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